Cartoon Choice: School Begins (Links to an external site.)Closely read all the sections of course textbook Chapters 4, 5, and 6 which cover U.S. imperialism in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines.Complete the “Analyzing Primary Sources” activity located in Chapter 4, Section 3 of the course textbook. It is very important to complete this activity, which is found under the section on Yellow Journalism. Please note you will not be able to view this on some devices and will need to use a computer.To gain a deeper understanding of the historical context of the cartoon, read the following scholarly secondary source:
Merriam, A. (1978). Racism in the Expansionist Controversy of 1898-1900. Phylon), 39(4), 369-380. doi:10.2307/274902After reading the assigned chapters and sections of the course textbook, completing the activity, and reading the relevant scholarly secondary source, answer the following items:Explain the character(s) in the cartoon.Describe the symbols and actions the artist employs in the cartoon.Utilize your textbook and secondary source to describe the historical context for your chosen cartoon.Explain the historical events being referenced in the cartoon.Analyze how the United States expanded its power and reach during these events.Analyze the impact of American Imperialism both on the United States and those who fell under its jurisdiction.The Analyzing Political Cartoons paperMust be at least two double-spaced pages in length (not including title and references pages) and formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center (Links to an external site.)’s APA Style (Links to an external site.) resource.Must include a separate title page with the following:Title of paperStudent’s nameCourse name and numberInstructor’s nameDate submittedMust utilize academic Your responses to the prompts should be accurate, thorough, and written in complete sentences. Must include an introduction and conclusion paragraph. Your introduction paragraph needs to end with a clear thesis statement that indicates the purpose of your paper.Must use at least one quote from your course textbook as well as your scholarly secondary source.Must document any information used from sources in APA style as outlinedMust include a separate references page that is formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center.3/29/2020
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4
America on the World Stage
SuperStock/Everett Collection
This illustration from 1900 shows Uncle Sam standing between
departing American soldiers and American missionaries who are
arriving to Westernize the Filipino people. The United States annexed
the Philippines as part of the treaty ending the Spanish–American War.
Learning Objectives
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:
Define imperialism and explain its significance in the late 19th century.
Discuss how issues of race influenced how some Americans and Europeans perceived imperialism.
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Understand how the Monroe Doctrine shaped U.S. foreign policy.
Explore the different ways the United States practiced imperialism.
Consider the ways that new technology and means of communication influenced U.S. imperialism.
Explore how American interactions on the world stage changed or developed once the nation
possessed an “empire.”
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American Lives: Queen Liliuokalani
European explorers had visited Hawaii on numerous occasions during the age of exploration, discovering a lush
paradise and a native population of Polynesian descent. British adventurer James Cook dubbed the island chain the
Sandwich Islands after his sponsor, the Earl of Sandwich, and published multiple accounts of his visits in 1778 and
1779. Early in the 19th century, American missionaries arrived. They established schools and, working among the local
inhabitants, brought Western culture and customs to the nation located about 2,000 miles southwest of the U.S.
mainland. In many ways American cultural imperialism, the policy of extending power and influence, touched Hawaii
long before the age of expansion in the late 19th century.
Americans also held dominant economic and political interests in the islands that evolved into almost total control by
1890. Starting in the 1840s some saw Hawaii as a natural Pacific outpost for America, and in 1842 President John
Tyler declared that the United States would protect its independence against foreign threats. Significant production of
cane sugar made the islands an important trading partner. By 1890 nearly all of Hawaii’s exports were bound for the
United States, and more than three fourths of its imported goods originated there (Osborne, 1981).
A number of American missionaries and business agents, organized into a special legislative council, became leading
advisers to the Hawaiian rulers. Missionaries denigrated Hawaiian culture and even convinced the monarch to
denounce the traditional hula dance as “pagan, sinful, and a breeding place for lust” (Lyons, 2012, p. 35). Many
Americans, especially those with economic ties to Hawaii, came to argue that it was only logical that the island nation
be annexed to the United States.
When Liliuokalani, the last sovereign ruler of Hawaii, inherited the crown from her brother in 1891, she faced rapidly
expanding American intervention in her nation’s affairs. The foreigners had forced a new national constitution, dubbed
the “Bayonet Constitution,” on the islands, stripping the monarchy of authority and elevating mostly American
businessmen to positions of power. White residents could vote, but most native Hawaiians lost the franchise. Two years
later American interests launched a revolution to oust Queen Liliuokalani from power and annex Hawaii to the United
States.
Liliuokalani’s brief 2-year reign ended, and after a bitter struggle Hawaii
became a territory of the United States in 1898 (Osborne, 1981). The
annexation of Hawaii was one among many moves undertaken by Americans
at the turn of the 20th century as the nation sought to assert its power beyond
its shores. Although the United States decried the actions of European nations
as they took over significant parts of Africa and Asia, it engaged in its own
form of imperialism, exercising its influence over foreign lands through
diplomatic or military force.
Liliuokalani, who was born in Honolulu in 1838, grew up between the two
worlds of traditional Hawaii and modernizing America. As was the custom,
showing goodwill and reinforcing bonds between families, the advisor to the
Hawaiian king and his wife adopted her. In Hawaiian and other Polynesian
cultures, it was considered a show of great respect to practice hanai, the
adoption of another’s child. Lydia, as she was known, attended missionary
schools, where she studied the English language and American culture from
an early age. As a youth she spent time at the court of King Kamehameha IV,
where she was groomed to inherit the crown. Unlike hereditary monarchies,
the Hawaiian leader could be chosen, and the nation’s legislature legitimized
the leader’s rule.
As a young woman, Liliuokalani toured the Hawaiian Islands with her
American-born husband, John Owen Dominis, meeting the men and women
who would one day be her subjects. The couple also made several ventures
© Bettmann/Corbis
Queen Liliuokalani was the last
sovereign ruler of Hawaii. Her
nation was annexed to the United
States in 1898.
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abroad. In 1887 they traveled to London, where they joined in the celebration
of Queen Victoria’s golden jubilee and were received as royalty. Showing the close association between Hawaii and the
United States, Liliuokalani also visited Washington, D.C., where she and her husband met with President Grover
Cleveland in the White House.
Once she became queen, Liliuokalani tried to use the traditional power of the Hawaiian monarch to implement a new
constitution that would restore balance between native islanders and the newcomers. These efforts failed, and in the
midst of an attempted counterrevolution, she was arrested and convicted of fostering armed rebellion. Initially
sentenced to 5 years of hard labor, she eventually endured 1 year of house arrest. Her confinement paved the way for
her opponents to abolish the monarchy and establish a republic that eventually supported U.S. annexation.
Liliuokalani spent her remaining years in Honolulu, working to preserve traditional Hawaiian culture, writing songs
and establishing a special children’s trust. Reluctantly accepting the changes that annexation brought, she offered her
people a positive role model as she graciously forgave her enemies and continued to celebrate Hawaii’s traditional past
(Garraty & Carnes, 1999). She died in Honolulu in 1917.
For further thought:
1. Why might Americans have held conflicting views on expansion and imperialism?
2. How would you describe the American approach to imperialism?
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4.1 The New Imperialism
The industrialization of the last quarter of the 19th century coincided with an era of expansion during which European
nations and Japan extended and consolidated their empires. Known as the new imperialism, and lasting into the first
decades of the 20th century, it was a time marked by the relentless pursuit of overseas territories. Established nations
used new technologies to make their empires more valuable through territorial conquest and the exploitation of natural
resources. Despite many Americans’ objections that imperialism was incompatible with the nation’s values, the United
States also established an empire in this era by annexing Hawaii, establishing a permanent presence in Cuba, and taking
control of the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico.
World Grab for Colonies
Americans watched as one European nation after another expanded its empire. Portugal and Spain had amassed large
empires as early as the 15th and 16th centuries, but by the mid-19th century Great Britain was the dominant colonial
power. The possessor of the world’s largest navy, Britain also had a long history of colonization, beginning with Ireland
and America in the 16th century. After losing its 13 American colonies, Britain turned toward colonizing parts of Asia,
particularly India, and in the late 19th century its empire expanded across the African continent as well. In what
became known as the “scramble for Africa” other European nations—including Belgium, France, Germany, Italy,
Netherlands, and Portugal—joined the British in carving up the continent between 1881 and 1914 (see Figure 4.1).
Figure 4.1: Colonial claims, 1900
This map outlines the colonial claims in Africa and Asia in 1900. Africa and significant parts of
Asia allowed European empires to grow. Some thought the Americans should also seek to claim
new territory.
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The French also expanded into Southeast Asia, gaining control of nations such as Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. The
Russians pushed out from their existing borders to extend their influence in the Middle East and Far East. Even the
Japanese, who had historically shied away from relations with the outside world, began to aggressively pursue the
extension of their borders. Beginning by conquering nearby islands such as Okinawa and the Kurils, by 1894 Japan
waged war against China for control of Korea and Taiwan.
The imperial thrust of European and Asian nations reflected patterns and rivalries established centuries before, such as
the many historical conflicts between France and Great Britain. But there was a novel and urgent dimension to the new
imperialism as well, including a turn toward modernity and especially industrialization. Economic growth and
industrial production created dual demands for raw materials and new markets for manufactured goods and agricultural
products. Capitalists invested surplus funds in developing nations and expected their business interests to be protected
there in return. Technology and capital thus contributed to bigger and more effective navies, which in turn required
colonial outposts to serve as fueling stations and bases of operation.
The period’s revival of evangelical religion also drove overseas expansion by Europeans and Americans. Missionaries
often preceded imperial expansion. Seeking to spread Christianity and to bring education, medical care, and other
important services to the people of Asia and Africa, missionary groups established schools such as the one Liliuokalani
attended as a girl in Hawaii. Missionaries believed their own cultures and ways of life were superior, and most showed
little interest or respect for the institutions and cultures of indigenous people. In some cases, such as in Hawaii, they
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criticized existing religions and cultural practices and encouraged Christian converts to abandon indigenous means of
worship, dance, and even food preparation (Chaudhuri & Strobel, 1992).
Race, Gender, and the Ideology of Expansion
The insensitivity of imperialists spread beyond a disregard for native peoples’ practices and cultures. Some viewed the
darker skinned inhabitants of Asia and Africa as racially and intellectually inferior to Whites, arguing that colonizing
less developed areas of the world was justified because the native inhabitants were weaker and unfit to survive. This
inferiority supposedly made it acceptable to seize land and natural resources and to take political control without
consultation. Ideologies like Social Darwinism (see Chapter 2), which played a role in exacerbating racial tensions in
the United States during the late 19th century, were also linked to worldwide imperialist expansion.
In 1899 British author Rudyard Kipling penned “The White Man’s Burden,” a poem that reflected on European
imperialism and offered an important message to Americans who were just then embarking on their own expansionist
agenda:
Take up the White Man’s burden, Send forth the best ye breed
Go bind your sons to exile To serve your captives’ need;
To wait in heavy harness, On fluttered folk and wild—
Your new-caught, sullen peoples, Half-devil and half-child.
(Kipling, 1899, lns. 1-8)
Originally penned for another occasion, upon the U.S. annexation of the Philippines, Kipling reworked the sevenstanza poem to align with current events. The poem suggests that providing noble service to the inhabitants of the
developing world justified the desire for empire. Viewed as a benevolent enterprise, imperialism also made the
domination of another nation’s economic and political structure seem necessary and helpful (Love, 2004).
Notions of race and Social Darwinism fueled the opponents of expansion, or anti-imperialists, in the United States as
well. Many argued that annexing foreign territories, thus adding large numbers of non-Whites to the nation, would
degrade the country’s Anglo-Saxon heritage. In the late 19th century, the nation was already struggling to assimilate
eastern and southern European immigrants arriving in waves to fill industrial jobs. Jim Crow laws restricted the rights
of African Americans in the South, and customary segregation policies separated the races in other parts of the country.
The anti-imperialists believed that, rather than the nation lifting colonized people up, these non-White masses would
drag the nation down.
Other anti-imperialists, such as those who formed the American Anti-Imperialist League in 1899, decried the forcible
subjugation of any nation or people as a violation of American democratic principles. Among league members were
prominent Americans from politics, business, and the arts, including Grover Cleveland, Samuel Gompers, Andrew
Carnegie, and Mark Twain (Manning & Wyatt, 2011). The organization formally protested American imperialistic
ideology and actions, and it planned to oppose politically “all who in the White House or in Congress betray American
liberty in pursuit of un-American ends” (American Anti-Imperialist League, 1899, p. 7). The league demanded that
American politicians “support and defend the Declaration of Independence” (American Anti-Imperialist League, 1899,
p. 7), which it believed imperialism disgraced.
The complex ideologies surrounding American expansion also included an important gender component. Imperialists
drew on gender and conceptions of American masculinity to build a strong political coalition that supported expansion.
The idea that imperialism followed a manly course of action to increase American strength around the globe attracted
men from disparate parts of society despite their economic, political, and regional divisions (Hoganson, 1998).
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Many also associated anti-imperialism with militarism and war, long the domain of men. The American AntiImperialist League, for example, welcomed membership, donations, and other forms of support from women but did
not encourage their access to leadership positions. Strong male personalities dominated the ideology of both
imperialism and its opposition. Chicago settlement house worker Jane Addams, for example, was the only woman
associated with the Central Anti-Imperialist League, one of three groups that combined to create the national league.
Later, though, women did lead in gender integrated and all-female peace and anti-imperial organizations. More
localized bodies—such as the Northampton, New Hampshire, league—even encouraged female officers on its
executive committee (Cullinane, 2012).
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4.2 The American Empire
Manifest Destiny, the idea that the United States had a divine responsibility and right to spread democratic settlement,
temporarily lost momentum once the American frontier filled in with American settlement. Between 1865 and roughly
1880, the United States took a largely isolationist, or uninvolved, approach toward the rest of the world. Most
American citizens and policy makers focused inward as the nation industrialized and moved toward the development of
modern institutions.
But in the late 19th century, as they watched their own frontier fade and European nations and Japan build evergrowing empires, many Americans again clamored for U.S. expansion, with special emphasis on the Western
Hemisphere. A new form of Manifest Destiny with an undefined frontier came to shape their views.
Business and the Monroe Doctrine
Fluctuations in the American economy led many to rethink the nation’s
isolationist position. Overproduction of manufactured goods and foodstuffs
were blamed for the major economic downturn in 1873 and the depression of
the 1890s. Exports formed a small but growing part of the economy, and U.S.
businessmen wanted to expand into new overseas markets. Industrialists such
as John D. Rockefeller, the head of Standard Oil, expected the government to
support their expansionist agenda.
In the following decades business interests and government agents worked
closely to reform U.S. foreign policy. Rockefeller later fondly remembered,
“Our ambassadors and ministers and consuls have aided to push our way into
new markets to the utmost corners of the world” (as cited in Chernow, 1998, p.
246). Their cooperative efforts began in the Western Hemisphere, where U.S.
foreign policy was already well defined.
© Bettmann/Corbis
The Monroe Doctrine set the stage
for America to act as protector of
the Western Hemisphere. The
doctrine encouraged European
powers to look elsewhere for
colonies.
Since 1823, when President James Monroe first outlined it in his annual
message to Congress, the Monroe Doctrine had dominated U.S. foreign
policy. Simultaneously proclaiming a disinterest in European affairs and the
leadership of the United States in the Americas, the doctrine warned European
powers against future political interventions or colonization efforts in the
Western Hemisphere (Johnson, 1990).
Advocates of the new imperialism in the United States began to demand that
the nation take a more active role in its hemisphere. Their agenda included a
buildup of the navy, the negotiation or annexation of bases in the Pacific and
Caribbean, a canal through the Central American isthmus, and recognition of
the United States as the supreme political and economic power in the Western
Hemisphere (Blake, 1960).
The Buildup to Expansion
Shortly after the Civil War, in 1867 Secretary of State William H. Seward foreshadowed the importance of international
trade and expansion when he negotiated the purchase of the Alaska territory from Russia for $7.2 million. At the time,
Seward believed that American settlers in the Pacific Northwest faced competition from Russian explorers and traders.
Purchase of the territory thus aimed to protect U.S. interests in the region. Opponents of the purchase noted Alaska’s
isolation and distance from continental America and the lack of real competition from a weakened Russia, and they
derided the purchase as “Seward’s Folly.” But Seward’s move reflected the imperialist principles that were…
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